By Matthew Candau
At the UN General Assembly in New York on September 20th, President Felix Tshisekedi of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) made a resolute demand for the withdrawal of UN peacekeeping forces from his nation. This mission, which has endured for nearly a quarter of a century, has become a focal point of criticism and censure from Congolese citizens and activists in recent years.
President Tshisekedi’s demand comes on the heels of a tragic massacre in Goma, where at least 40 anti-UN protestors lost their lives and hundreds were incarcerated.
While the United Nations has long been entrusted with the noble mission of upholding international peace and security, the ongoing violence in the DRC serves as an undeniable testament to the organisation’s profound inadequacies.
Historical Context for UN Intervention
After the 1997 coup that saw Laurent-Désiré Kabila assume power with support from Rwanda and Uganda, insurgencies erupted in Kivu, an eastern region of the DRC flooded by millions of Rwandese Hutus fleeing the aftermath of the Rwandan genocide. The genocide, which occurred in 1994, was a brutal ethnic conflict in which Hutu extremists targeted and killed hundreds of thousands Tutsi people and moderate Hutus within the span of a few months.
In 1998, a Tutsi-led rebel group funded by Rwanda and Uganda took control of economically significant and resource-filled territories in the eastern DRC, starting the Second Congo War. In response, the United Nations Organisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC) was established the following year to supervise a ceasefire agreement and the disengagement of military forces between the DRC and its neighbouring states.
Rather than departing once these arrangements were ratified, peacekeepers remained to oversee the implementation of the ceasefire and the conduct of democratic elections in 2006, in which Kabila secured his presidency. Over time, The UN forces continued to provide support to the Kabila government through a range of political and military endeavours dictated by the UN Security Council. By 2010, MONUC was renamed to MONUSCO to reflect a shift in its objective towards maintaining stability and quelling domestic disputes, boasting an impressive military personnel contingent of nearly 20,000.
Recent years have witnessed an alarming surge in terrorist violence in eastern DRC. M23, also known as the Congolese Liberation Army, is a major rebel group predominantly composed of Tutsi rebels allegedly backed by the Rwandan government, operating primarily in North Kivu. UN reports underscore that this group has evolved technologically and “is now behaving increasingly like a conventional army.” Hundreds of civilians have tragically lost their lives to M23 militants in the last few years, and hundreds of thousands have been displaced. In response to the escalating threat posed by M23, MONUSCO’s mandate was extended in 2022.
Administrative Shortcomings
Both MONUC and MONUSCO have grappled with numerous inadequacies tied to their enforcement and operational efficacy. The most significant of these is the lack of a clear mandate, characterised by constant mission updates. The UN’s own directive assigns a multitude of responsibilities to peacekeepers, including civilian protection, rebel group disarmament, demobilisation, stabilisation, and security sector reform, among others. These objectives are overly broad and unattainable, causing the UN forces to spread their efforts too thinly across various conflict dimensions, to the detriment of their impact. Consequently, the proliferation of militant groups has persisted, claiming more innocent lives and further undermining the effectiveness of the UN forces.
Despite being one of the most extensive peacekeeping operations in history, with an annual budget exceeding $1 billion, the mission has consistently struggled with insufficient funding due to the extent of its operations. David McLachlan-Karr, the Humanitarian Coordinator for DRC, has underscored the dire financial situation. “We’ve suffered a decrease in funding, leaving us with a stark choice – who to prioritise?”
Furthermore, there has been a notable lack of accountability for the actions of peacekeepers. Hundreds of allegations against mission personnel have surfaced, including reports of forced prostitution and rape of Congolese women and girls, some as young as 11 years old. While the UN claims to be taking steps to prevent these atrocities, many claims remain unreported or in a “pending” status, severely eroding the credibility of the peacekeepers and compromising future prospects for success.
Given these stark realities, it is hardly surprising that the Congolese populace has consistently rallied in protest against UN peacekeeping involvement in their nation in recent years. If anything, Tshisekedi’s call for their immediate withdrawal of these forces is long overdue.
What’s Next?
With the Congolese government and its citizens in agreement regarding the removal of UN forces, President Tshisekedi’s administration faces an unprecedented challenge. Earlier this year, the government augmented spending on military and defence by an impressive 300%, amounting to approximately $1 billion – roughly 10% of government expenditure. While this marks a commendable start in the effort to combat militant rebels, more work remains to be done. Short-term budgetary constraints are evident, as the government continues to run a deficit despite an upswing in foreign investment and tax revenue. Collaborating with the African Development Bank, the DRC is diligently working to expand its financial markets and bond offerings. With promising GDP growth forecasts and continuously increasing export of rare earth metals, year-on-year increments in military expenditure may eventually become feasible. However, the urgency of the situation necessitates a more immediate response.
President Tshisekedi’s strategy for countering M23 has been clear: enlist as many of his citizens as possible in the fight, with diplomacy strictly off the table. In the absence of evident prospects for a swift resolution under the current administration, some citizens may begin to consider alternatives. With presidential elections scheduled for this upcoming December, other candidates have a unique opportunity to steer the country in a new direction.
Opposition leader Martin Fayulu has recently gained prominence for his views on the conflict, the Tshisekedi administration, and Rwandan President Paul Kagame. Fayulu asserts that Mr. Kagame is the root cause of the war, stating, “Kabila was a proxy put in place by Kagame, and when Kabila was leaving, they tried to find someone to replace him. They negotiated and signed a deal between Kagame, Kabila and Felix Tshisekedi. That is why they put Tshisekedi in the seat of the presidency.”
Fayulu has concentrated his efforts on combating the pervasive corruption within the Congolese government and securing international backing in condemning Rwanda’s involvement in funding M23. He contends that addressing the corruption issue would release additional funds to effectively address the rebel threat.
While Fayulu’s policy ideas prompt significant and worthwhile discussions on Congolese and Rwandan politics, his chances of winning the election remain uncertain. Numerous reports have cited various examples of unfair election practices in recent years, encompassing backroom deals, voter intimidation, and electoral fraud, all seemingly in support of Tshisekedi.
Regardless of the election’s outcome, the Congolese government must prioritise stability, security, accountability, and the well-being of its citizens to pave a brighter and more peaceful course for the nation. The withdrawal of UN peacekeeping forces serves as a pivotal moment for the DRC to take control of its destiny and strive for lasting peace and prosperity.
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own, and may not reflect the opinions of the St Andrews Economist.
Image Source: https://www.thedefensepost.com/2023/06/08/responsible-exit-peacekeepers-dr-congo/