Despite centuries of struggle, Kurdistan is yet to overcome the impediments it faces to gaining statehood. However, times are changing, and after a decade of rebellion and revolution in the Middle East, the promise of a Kurdish state may soon be fulfilled.

Background

Kurdistan is the geo-cultural territory spanning across the state borders of Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Turkey. The region derives its name from the Kurds, who are native to the mountain ranges that this territory encompasses, and the fourth largest ethnic group in the Middle East. They have lived on this land for hundreds of years, with the first identification of ‘Kurd’ appearing in Arabic writings of the 9th century A.D.

In spite of this, there has never been Kurdish sovereign rule – a misfortune that can largely be attributed to the fact that they have never been fully unified under one empire, or strong enough to maintain their own state. Until WWI, the Kurdish people remained split between the Ottomans in the West and the Persians in the East. During WWI, local Kurdish leaders assisted the allies in return for assistance in fulfilling their goal of an independent Kurdish state. This agreement was fulfilled in the Treaty of Sevres, which promised a referendum on the fate of the Kurdistan region. Soon after, however, this was undone by the Treaty of Lausanne, a peace treaty that left the majority of Kurdish people within the borders of the newly independent Turkey. After this point, the Kurdistan region was shared between Iran, Iraq, Turkey and Syria.

History of Oppression

The continued denial of a Kurdish state resigned the Kurdish People to being ethnic minorities in these newly independent states. These states later embarked upon ruthless campaigns of oppression and assimilation, subsequently fuelling the emergence of armed independence and resistance movements.

In Turkey, the Government did away with the use of the Kurdish language, folklore, alphabet, and Kurdish names. Even today, the Kurds are not recognised as ‘Kurdish’ and are instead referred to as Mountain Turks: denying the identity of the Kurdish people.

In Iraq, local Kurdish leaders rebelled and won the right to use the Kurdish language and the recognition of Kurdish speaking leaders. However, Kurdish areas suffered neglect especially regarding the maintenance of roads, health services and schools. They were also scapegoated for national problems. During the Iran-Iraq war, they were suspected of helping Iran, which lead to a devastating chemical weapon attack on majority Kurdish areas that killed thousands.

In Iran, where Kurds have rebelled constantly, hundreds of tribal leaders were deported and made to live in forced residence in Tehran or elsewhere to prevent rebellion. Their lands were confiscated, and military strong points linked by roads were established at strategic positions in the Kurdish tribal areas. Iran therefore opposes the creation of a Kurdish state as it would undoubtedly undermine the influence and power that they have built in the region.

In Syria, Kurds have suffered less. However, there have still been attempts to ‘Arabize’ Kurdish majority areas, with citizenship being denied and land being confiscated.

Such opposition is not the only obstacle preventing the creation of Kurdistan, however. There also exists internal strife within the Kurdish camp itself. Not only is there is no single leader of the Kurds but a leader for each independence movement in each state, but the Kurds also lack structural unity in that they share no single unifying feature apart from the label ‘Kurdish’. Beneath the surface, there are many differences between the Kurds, whether they be ideological or religious, and these differences actually seem to be working in favour of states such as Turkey and Iran who are using preferential treatment and support for one Kurdish group or another preventing cohesion on the issue of independence.

Despite the difficult situation that the Kurds find themselves in, however, their hopes for sovereignty have not been tempered. In fact, if anything, they have been strengthened.

Hope for Kurdistan?

After the First Gulf War, the Kurds gained a quasi-state within Iraq called the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI). At present, this entity is what most closely resembles an independent Kurdish state. It has a government independent of Baghdad – the Kurdistan Regional Government, or KRG, as well as a parliament of its own. Elections are held separately from the Iraqi general elections, and they also have a separate national day, national anthem, and national flag. Another crucial component of autonomous power is the Peshmerga, the armed wing of the KRG, which has metamorphosed from a guerrilla organization fighting for independence into an effective and well-organized military force of the KRG. In 2014, when, Islamic State (IS) emerged from the chaos of the Syrian Civil War, and rapidly took control of land in Iraq and Syria, it was Kurdish Militias that became the vanguard of taking back control, thereby proving that the KRI is competent enough to operate without the central Government in Baghdad.

After proving their value in this fight, the KRG have been pushing for an independence referendum to formally create Kurdistan. However, Iran, Iraq and Turkey remain determined to prevent such an eventuality.

In Syria, Kurdish political parties – the Kurdistan Workers Party, and the Democratic Union Party – took power after Government forces vacated to focus on the Syrian opposition. This led to the Kurdish parties declaring the creation of autonomous administrations similar to the KRI. However, unlike the KRI, they are not recognised internationally. Their declaration of independence was rejected by the US, Turkey, Syria, and the Syrian opposition.

Like Iraq, the Syrian Government was surprised by both the speed of the IS advance, and the fact it was the armed wings of the Kurdish political parties that were able to rival their military might. To defeat IS, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) gained an important ally – the US, which raised hopes that they would assist in the creation of an entity similar to the KRI. After all, it was US intervention that led to the creation of the KRI and their security guarantees that prevented the central Government in Baghdad from destroying the KRI. Later, however, these hopes were crushed when the US sided with its long-term NATO ally, Turkey, and withdrew its support, allowing Turkish offensives against SDF positions.

Hope for Kurdistan?

After the First Gulf War, the Kurds gained a quasi-state within Iraq called the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI). At present, this entity is what most closely resembles an independent Kurdish state. It has a government independent of Baghdad – the Kurdistan Regional Government, or KRG, as well as a parliament of its own. Elections are held separately from the Iraqi general elections, and they also have a separate national day, national anthem, and national flag. Another crucial component of autonomous power is the Peshmerga, the armed wing of the KRG, which has metamorphosed from a guerrilla organization fighting for independence into an effective and well-organized military force of the KRG. In 2014, when, Islamic State (IS) emerged from the chaos of the Syrian Civil War, and rapidly took control of land in Iraq and Syria, it was Kurdish Militias that became the vanguard of taking back control, thereby proving that the KRI is competent enough to operate without the central Government in Baghdad.

After proving their value in this fight, the KRG have been pushing for an independence referendum to formally create Kurdistan. However, Iran, Iraq and Turkey remain determined to prevent such an eventuality.

In Syria, Kurdish political parties – the Kurdistan Workers Party, and the Democratic Union Party – took power after Government forces vacated to focus on the Syrian opposition. This led to the Kurdish parties declaring the creation of autonomous administrations similar to the KRI. However, unlike the KRI, they are not recognised internationally. Their declaration of independence was rejected by the US, Turkey, Syria, and the Syrian opposition.

Like Iraq, the Syrian Government was surprised by both the speed of the IS advance, and the fact it was the armed wings of the Kurdish political parties that were able to rival their military might. To defeat IS, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) gained an important ally – the US, which raised hopes that they would assist in the creation of an entity similar to the KRI. After all, it was US intervention that led to the creation of the KRI and their security guarantees that prevented the central Government in Baghdad from destroying the KRI. Later, however, these hopes were crushed when the US sided with its long-term NATO ally, Turkey, and withdrew its support, allowing Turkish offensives against SDF positions.

Looking to the Future

Kurdish hopes have not been so high since the end of WWI.  Today, two politically and economically stable Kurdish entities govern areas that are majority Kurdish, largely fulfilling the roles of a state. However, they lack both recognition and legitimacy, and only with legitimacy will the Kurdish people see an end to their mistreatment at the hands Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria.

Looking to the future, it is likely that the closest the Kurds will get to an independent state will be the unification of the Kurdish controlled territory in Syria and Iraq, with the Kurdish minority of Iran and Turkey remaining within the territory of those countries. However, after being split between four states for a century, there are significant differences that exist between Syrian and Iraqi Kurds, which will have to be overcome.

Ultimately, the road to independence is still fraught with danger. Not only does President Assad not recognise Kurdish authority, but the KRI also must overcome Turkish and Iranian resistance, despite their economic dependence upon the two countries. In this way, the future of Kurdistan is almost entirely dependent upon the wider context of the Middle East. However, it is worth remembering that, although the Kurdish issue will likely remain divisive for many years to come, the Kurdish independence movement is much stronger than it was two decades ago, when the prospect of an independent state was something of a pipe dream. For now, the world’s largest nation without an independent state must remain hopeful that the winds of change will start blowing again soon.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own, and may not reflect the opinions of The St Andrews Economist.

Image Source: The future of Kurdistan – Jenna Krajeski. Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/44214818.